By Ronald M. Davidson, Christian K. Wedemeyer (eds)
Jointly, the papers of this quantity demonstrate the cultural dynamism of Tibet within the interval among 900 and 1400CE, whilst the elemental contours of Tibetan Buddhism have been nonetheless fluid and hugely contested. The papers handle a spectrum of concerns in Tibetan faith and literature, ranging in time and house from the some distance japanese oasis of Dunhuang within the 10th century via 'high classical' advancements in important Tibet within the early 15th century. it really is divided into 4 elements, addressing respectively literary and non secular concerns in tenth-century Dunhuang, the textual background of the previous Tantric Canon (Rnying ma'i rgyud 'bum), the advance of Tibetan spiritual literature within the new translation interval, and the background and transmission of numerous influential structures of esoteric Buddhism.
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Additional resources for Proceedings of the Tenth Seminar of the IATS, 2003, Tibetan Buddhist Literature and Praxis: Studies in Its Formative Period, 900-1400
2 Skyes bu dam pa rnams la springs ba’i yi ge, f. 2. Cf. Karmay 1975: 152154. 3 Bu ston chos’byung, 188. Bu ston says that Mahāyāna had composed these and other (la sogs pa) texts. CARMEN MEINERT 32 of Bu ston. It seems likely that since Bu ston’s mention of the list in his influential work, the authorship of these texts was no longer questioned, thus consolidating the legend of the Chinese master Mahāyāna in Tibet. It continued to serve one particular aim, namely to criticise Chinese Meditation Buddhism, Cig car ba, and eventually stigmatise it as a heretical path.
Mind is described as the source for thoughts and a subject-object dichotomy to arise. It is the very starting point for ignorance to begin to operate within one’s Buddha nature and thus the moment when Buddha nature switches from being the pure nature of mind to a mind of illusion. On the one hand, the nature of mind is the pure source and mind is responsible for discursiveness. However, on the other hand, both are described as pure and without essence. Thus the Kanxin fa postulates the idea of an absolute wherein both the pure and the defiled aspect are inherently conjoint.
Based on this assumption at least (N2) and (S1) are connected to a historical Chinese figure, namely master Wolun. In the present context, we may further assume that the title (N3) Bsam gtan gyi ’khor lo is another corrupt version of Bsam gtan gyi mkhan po nyal ba’i ’khor lo and is thus likewise connected to Wolun. However, the expression Bsam gtan gyi mkhan po nyal ba’i ’khor lo is not as such a complete title of a text. S. Karmay proposed that (S1) may refer to P. tib. 17 On the other hand, another possibility would be the identification with a quotation of Wolun in P.
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