By John Whalen-Bridge
Utilizing Kenneth Burke's idea of dramatism as a manner of exploring a number of motivations in symbolic expression, Tibet on hearth examines the Tibetan self-immolation stream of 2011-2015. the quantity asserts that the self-immolation act is an confirmation of Tibetan id within the face of cultural genocide.
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Extra info for Tibet on Fire: Buddhism, Protest, and the Rhetoric of Self-Immolation
More importantly, Dorje Shugden is associated with the historical domination of the Gelugpa sect over the other sects (that is, the Nyingma, Kagyu, and Sakya). Dolgyal propitiation is thus a divisive force among Tibetans, and the most consistent policy aim of the Dalai Lama, the CTA, and other organizations shaping the Tibetan exile community has been to avoid the fratricidal division that besets most governments-in-exile. Not only is Dolgyal worship divisive in a sectarian manner—it is also a wedge issue that the PRC has exploited.
Be firm with the efforts to fight against all forms of secessionist activities” (24). What did this mean in practice? According to the “2008 Uprising” chronology, “reliable sources confirm that Lhasa PSB lifted its restraining order on shooting people from March 14 onward, so the police and army were then officially permitted to shoot the protesters” (16). The mid-March riot was a culmination of dozens of events and not a violent reaction to a single source of frustration, as suggested in the CNN timeline.
The Dalai Lama claimed that the PRC supports Dorje Shugden worshippers financially in his August 5, 2012, teaching in Leh, Ladakh: “Many monks in the great monasteries have stopped propitiating Dolgyal, but some kept it up and formed a society, which is opposed to me and now receives support from the Chinese Communist authorities” (“Second Day”). 20 Lama Gangchen in particular has been allowed to visit Tibetan monasteries to pressure monks to install Shugden shrines of the sort discouraged by the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile.
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